Juan Brito L\u00f3pez was\u00a0in his mid-20s\u00a0when soldiers rushed into his home in the village of Pexla, nestled in\u00a0Guatemala\u2019s western highlands. He escaped, hiding in the wilderness, but could not save his wife and four daughters. <\/p>\n
Now\u00a070 years old, Brito L\u00f3pez recounted the horrors of that day to High Risk Court A in Guatemala City this week, saying the soldiers murdered his family during the early morning raid on January 20, 1982, burning their bodies inside their wooden home. <\/p>\n
Their deaths took place in the middle of Guatemala\u2019s 36-year-long civil war as a series of US-backed military governments cracked down on leftist rebels\u00a0across the country. Guatemala\u2019s\u00a0counterinsurgency campaign\u00a0led to the death of\u00a0over\u00a0200,000 people, 83% of whom were indigenous Maya,\u00a0according to\u00a0a United Nations-backed truth commission\u00a0in 1999. <\/p>\n
Decades later, the bloodshed is being relived in the high-profile trial of the former head of Guatemala\u2019s army, Manuel Benedicto Lucas Garc\u00eda, in a monthslong process that is expected to\u00a0see more than 150 witnesses, 30 survivors of sexual violence and dozens of forensic experts give testimony. <\/p>\n
According to\u00a0Brito L\u00f3pez and other witnesses who lived in the western Quiche region, troops under the command of Lucas Garc\u00eda killed men, women, and children, driving the indigenous Maya Ixil people who lived there away from their homes. <\/p>\n
The former laborer, who sometimes broke into tears during his testimony, spoke in front of a large screen broadcasting Lucas Garc\u00eda\u2019s impassive figure. Lucas Garc\u00eda\u00a0participated\u00a0in the proceedings via video link from a military hospital. <\/p>\n
The retired general has been indicted for genocide, crimes against humanity, forced disappearances, and sexual violence against the Maya Ixil people, according to the organization representing the victims, the Association for Justice and Reconciliation (AJR). <\/p>\n
AJR accuses him of ordering more than 30 massacres and destroying 23 villages in the Maya Ixil region, causing the death of at least 1,771 people when he led the army between 1981 and 1982 \u2013 during\u00a0the\u00a0tenure of his brother President\u00a0Fernando\u00a0Romeo Lucas Garc\u00eda. <\/p>\n
The trial is among several important war crime\u00a0proceedings since the 90s\u00a0that have been attempting to address atrocities during the civil war, which ended in 1996. The proceedings have stuttered over the years, some producing ground-breaking results \u2013 including the first time a Guatemalan head of state was put on trial. In 2018,\u00a0a Guatemalan court\u00a0ruled that the army committed acts of genocide, but no one was convicted. <\/p>\n
Human rights organizations and the Mayan victims of wartime massacres have been increasingly frustrated by the slow road to justice \u2013 especially when the alleged perpetrators and their victims begin dying of old age. <\/p>\n
The bloodshed during the civil war increased dramatically under President Romeo Lucas Garc\u00eda\u2019s regime (1978-1982),\u00a0according to a report by Human Rights Data Analysis Group, which saw \u201cwhat had been a selective campaign against guerrilla sympathizers turned into a mass slaughter.\u201d <\/p>\n
\u201cUnder his rule, that is when the scorched earth campaign against indigenous communities of Guatemala really picked up,\u201d Jo-Marie Burt, a senior fellow at the Washington Office on Latin America, who is an expert on human rights and transitional justice in Guatemala, said. The period saw soldiers and paramilitary forces execute Mayan authorities; tens of thousands of people were forcibly disappeared, and entire villages were burned to the ground. <\/p>\n
A\u00a0UN-backed\u00a0Commission for Historical Clarification (CEH) report found that between\u00a0<\/strong>1981 and 1983, a period when Lucas Garc\u00eda helmed the military, the Guatemalan state committed acts of genocide against five Mayan groups, including the Ixil people. <\/p>\n The army said it was countering a leftist insurgency, but the report found the state \u201cdeliberately magnified the military threat of the insurgency\u201d and \u201cin the majority of cases\u2026 intentionally exaggerated\u201d the connection between the Mayan communities and the guerrillas. <\/p>\n Racism was a component behind the violence, the report said, as it also concluded that \u201cthe undeniable existence of racism expressed repeatedly by the state as a doctrine of superiority\u201d explains the \u201cbrutality with which military operations were carried out against hundreds of Mayan communities.\u201d <\/p>\n Burt said this \u201cexpression of racism is extremely profound,\u201d and its knock-on effects are evident in Guatemala today. During a separate genocide trial in 2013, which led to the conviction of dictator Efrain Rios Montt, Burt, who was observing the proceeding\u00a0in person,\u00a0saw supporters of the general\u00a0spray perfume on seats that had been sat on by indigenous people. <\/p>\n Today, Guatemala\u2019s indigenous communities account for more than 40% of the country\u2019s population, but \u201ctheir participation in public institutions and public life is certainly smaller in comparison to their size,\u201d said Tiziano Breda, a Latin American expert at the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, of the deep inequalities that remain in Guatemala. <\/p>\n \u201cInfrastructure and services in areas mostly habited by the indigenous population (are) very dire, and the fact there are 22 Mayan languages in the country, and there are almost no signs in the capital in those languages\u201d are telling, he added. <\/p>\n A\u00a0million people\u00a0became refugees due to the civil war, and today, inequality has made the Central American country\u00a0one of the highest source\u00a0countries for migrants encountered at the US borders, many of whom come from rural areas largely populated by indigenous Guatemalans. <\/p>\n It took post-conflict Guatemala years to build up capacity in its judicial system. Positive steps were made in the 2000\u2019s with vital reforms\u00a0and leadership by individuals like Claudia Paz y Paz, who became attorney general from 2010-2014 and worked to break the tradition of impunity by criminal elements in the country, Burt said. <\/p>\n International actors, like the UN-backed International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), assisted in hundreds of convictions, trained prosecutors, and has been attributed for helping reduce the country\u2019s homicide rate. <\/p>\n But CICIG\u00a0was dissolved in 2019 during a period of democratic backsliding in the country, where successive Guatemalan governments and the country\u2019s elites\u00a0have been accused\u00a0of attempting to control the country\u2019s judiciary. <\/p>\n Dozens of prosecutors and judges fled the country. Those who remain have reported privately about receiving death threats, say experts. <\/p>\n \u201cThe system is co-opted,\u201d\u00a0Silvio from AJR said. \u201cSo, this case has been delayed for 13 years and we still do not understand the reasons but this year they gave us the possibility.\u201d <\/p>\n The issue was not building a case, but it was \u201covercoming the fear of going after some of these people, some of the most violence operators in Guatemala\u2019s military regime, who maintain connections with armed actors and their own network of violent people,\u201d Will Freeman, Fellow for Latin America studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, said. <\/p>\n The victims\u2019 advocates hope the trial will bring a measure of accountability to those who perished during the war, but time is running out, said Michelle Liang, who has been monitoring the trial as an international accompanier for the Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemala (NISGUA). <\/p>\n Lucas Garc\u00eda\u2019s team has been deploying \u201ctactics of delay to basically try to wait out the witnesses,\u201d she said. \u201cThey know that other witnesses are getting old, and already more than 40 witnesses have passed away.\u201d <\/p>\n When the trial was due to start at the end of March, Lucas Garc\u00eda\u2019s lawyers announced their resignation. He ended up using a public defender, who needed five days to familiarize herself with the case, according to the law, pushing proceedings back to April 5. <\/p>\n During Brito L\u00f3pez\u2019s testimony this week, he admitted to not being able to remember some details like the age of his wife when she was killed or the names of some of the 66 villagers he said were killed in his village. <\/p>\n What remains clear is the trauma of that period, where he was too devastated to collect the remain of his family members. \u201cI couldn\u2019t stand the sadness,\u201d he said. \u201cI fainted, so others collected the ashes.\u201d <\/p>\n Another victim\u00a0Catarina Chel told the court about the days she spent in the mountains in January of 1981. She was hiding from soldiers who had rounded up her neighbors and killed them in a house used to store corn, she said. <\/p>\n Now more than 40 years after that date, she is no longer in hiding. Dressed proudly in traditional dress,\u00a0she made her testimony feet away from a screen broadcasting a live feed of her village\u2019s alleged tormenter, Lucas Garc\u00eda. <\/p>\n \u201cHe was the one who commanded the armies, and they killed my children,\u201d she said. <\/p>\n It is not money that the victims want, what they need is accountability, Silvia from AJR said. <\/p>\n \u201cWhether or not a conviction is achieved,\u201d he said, what the AJR and its witnesses seek is a record of \u201cwhat happened so that is never repeated.\u201d <\/p>\n\n Juan Brito L\u00f3pez was\u00a0in his mid-20s\u00a0when soldiers rushed into his home in the village of Pexla, nestled in\u00a0Guatemala\u2019s western highlands. He escaped, hiding in the wilderness, but could not save his wife and four daughters. Now\u00a070 years old, Brito L\u00f3pez recounted the horrors of that day to High Risk Court A in Guatemala City this <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":0,"featured_media":17922,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[23],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-17921","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-world"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/shareperformanceinsight.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17921","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/shareperformanceinsight.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/shareperformanceinsight.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/shareperformanceinsight.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=17921"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/shareperformanceinsight.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/17921\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/shareperformanceinsight.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/17922"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/shareperformanceinsight.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=17921"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/shareperformanceinsight.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=17921"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/shareperformanceinsight.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=17921"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}} Delayed justice<\/h2>\n